Changing Working Practices in the Music Industry Essay

Changing Working Practices in the Music Industry - Essay Example One such case in point is the deal between the record company EMI and singing sensation Robbie Williams. The $80 million deal which was signed in 2002 allowed the record company to share the profits during his world tours and his merchandising profits. According to a music business consultant, in the year 2010 the sale of albums will contribute only 30% of the total profits, whereas the other 70% would comprise of merchandise sales as well as sales from musical tours. Keith Negus (1999, p.22) comments ‘While portable CD players, Walkmans and car stereos have made recorded music increasingly mobile, the products of the film industry must still be watched in the cinema or at home on a video machine.’ Four of the major record companies in the world are Warner Music, Sony/BMG, Universal and EMI. For a long time, they had monopolized the music industry but now the trend seems to be changing. On such example is the band Enter Shikari, which has released their debut album under its own record label. Many such examples abound in the music industry, and this is making the major record companies see red. EMI and Universal has already started to retrench, EMI having laid-off almost half of its employees. Keith Negus (1999, p.15) states ‘That the major entertainment corporations are continually seeking to control and thus maximize their profits from cultural production is a point that has been repeatedly emphasized by political economists.’ The only glimmer of hope of the major record companies is the potential of earning profits from the burgeoning internet download market. Some experts believe that record companies tying up with major download sites will help the record com panies to stay in the profit books for a longer time. It’s clear now where the music industry is drifting to. According to the American music industry trade body RIAA, the number of paid downloads from internet sites is on

Application for a Job as an Advertiser Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Application for a Job as an Advertiser - Essay Example Most of all my academic credentials are an elaboration to claim my remarks. Just as clarified in my credentials, I have demonstrated to be in a deep touch with both oral and written language. Next, after an internal internship with my learning institution, I am convinced that I have accumulated adequate communication skills. This comes after I was awarded on merit for exemplary performance, by the information and communications technology department. Much to effect my career, I have mastered an open minded approach to tackling everyday issues, this has not only drawn creativity in me distinctively but has also equipped me with the ability of innovation. Given the nature of activities the profession entails, I am compelled to extend my capacity to flexibility. I can’t deny that I am often challenged with extreme working conditions. However, I have most often than not demonstrated good coping skills; so that I guarantee success in that which is expected of me. In any case, every one needs orientation in any field. Personally, I don’t believe in empty directions but rather issue-based resolutions; I am a man of action. To a minor extent, I have often compromised my interpersonal skills. For instance, when I strongly believe on my stand I am always driven into making it more stern thereby portraying rigidity. However much I may be right, this should never be part of professionalism. Fortunately, I am hopeful that after a series of intensive seminars and exposure to the job market, I will undoubtedly be in a position of utmost professionalism. My Curriculum Vitae and Attachment Letter. POST APPLIED FOR: 1. Personal Details SURNAME Bull INITIALS J. B. Permanent Address and Postcode: P.O BOX, 2298-764 Westminster, K-4 Street, Dapard Address for correspondence (if different): N/A Telephone No(s) Home: 11123647 Work: 111240032 Email Address Onomtpoei@hotmal.con Mobile: 0766224365 Are we able to contact you at work? By Phone: Yes / No= Yes By Email: Yes / No =Yes no Do you hold a current full car driving license? Yes / No= No 2.

On the black hill family and identity Essay Example for Free

On the black hill family and identity Essay The fact that they remained bachelors, despite Lewis desperate longing for a woman in his life, is also the work of Mary, who, knowing that Benjamin will never want to marry, made Lewis promise never to marry unless Benjamin did too. Lewis is identified by his love of aviation and longing for adventure, but he is tied down by family obligations. He is aware that his life would be different if not for the inescapable bond binding him to Benjamin, stating Sometimes, I lie awake and wonder whatd happen if him werent there Then Id have had my own life, like? Had kids? Ironically, it is his family that sets him free in the end and satisfies his desire for an heir and an adventure. This comes in the form of Kevin Redpath, the twins long lost nephew, who comes back to inherit the farm and also give Lewis an opportunity to do what he had always desired, to fly an aeroplane. These ten magnificent minutes completes the missing part of Lewis identity, and all the frustrations of his cramped and frugal life now counted for nothing. No other family is described in such detail as the Joneses, but their neighbours, the Watkinses from The Rock also shows how a family-style group affects the identities of the individuals in the family. The Watkins family is a rather complicated family, for Tom and Aggie Watkins can not have kids of their own and hence resort to adoption. The Watkinses show that despite having no biological ties, the family environment can also affect the characters and lives of individuals. The Watkins family is a typical poor low-class Welsh family, and the adopted children consist of Jim, Ethel, Sarah, Lizzie and Brennie hence turn out to be uneducated children, If anyone said, He was raised at The Rock , or She was reared at The Rock, you knew for sure the child was illegitimate or loony. This shows that the family environment plays a big part in who they are, and how other people view them. In the end, Sarah, Lizzie and Brennie all marry off and escape from The Rock. Lizzie pretended The Rock did not exist, and while Sarah still kept an eye on The Rock, her one great fear was of lapsing into poverty, clearly a fear born out of her experience of childhood poverty. Lizzie and Sarah are examples of the opposite way which family can affect children; instead of falling into the patterns of the family themselves, the children choose to escape and fear these patterns. This opposing respond to family pattern is also evident in David Maloufs Fly Away Peter, where Jim Saddler fears of inheriting his fathers savagery and tries to keep it at arms length. On the other hand, Jims biological children seem to inherit his traits. For example, Ethels son Alfie was identified as Jims son for the lad had Jims carroty hair and cauliflower ears. Alfie also grew up simple, the result of inheriting the combination of both Jim and Ethels mental disabilities. As the novel progresses, Jim has another child, this time Mrs. Muskers. His daughter Meg is even more like him; she grows up to share his love for animals, mistrust of outsiders. She even speaks like him, and clings to The Rock with fierce determination and optimism. Like the twins, Megs identity is shaped greatly by her parent, and she continues his way of life even after his death. The Bickerton family is one of the more minor families in On the Black Hill. A high-class English family, the Bickertons owned the Lurkenhope estate and hence was possibly the most powerful family in the village. In contrast to the Watkinses, the family environment of the Bickertons is wealthy, refined, and educated, and hence the children of Colonel and Mrs. Bickerton, Reggie, Nancy and Isobel, are naturally identified as figures of the higher class. As a result, Reggie grows up to be an arrogant and overly-confident young man and went to war with a head full of chilvaric notions of duty to caste and country. These chilvaric notions are most likely the influence of Colonel Bickerton, who has been persuading all young men to fight for their country. Even after coming home crippled, he made light of his injuries with upper-class stoicism and his high-handed treatment of Rosie Fifield shows that his arrogance hasnt changed. On the other hand, his sister Nancy Bickerton shows traits of Mrs. Bickertons; like the way her mother seeks companionship in Mary, Nancy is bored by the gentry and finds great pleasure in the twins visits. Even the way she offers tea to the twin reflects her mothers; China or Indian? Nancy is hence another example of an identity shaped by her parent and upbringing. Thus the identity-shaping forces of family are quite evident in the families of On the Black Hill. These are clearly portrayed through the characters of the Joneses twins Lewis and Benjamin, whose identities and lives are clearly shaped by their order of birth, their roles in the farm and the house, the traits they inherit from their parents, their upbringing, as well as their bond to each other. Their way of living even after the death of Amos and Mary reveal how the impact of these family dynamics can last forever, also portrayed through the way Meg or Nancy each inherit their parents traits and behaviours. On the other hand, these impacts can also have an opposite effect, as shown by Lizzie and Sarah in the way they try to fight against the Watkinses family pattern of poverty-stricken lives by leaving The Rock. Through On the Black Hill, Chatwin patently demonstrates the relationship between ones identity and family, reinforcing the notion that our families make us who we are today. 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Women in Positions of Power in Northen Ireland

Women in Positions of Power in Northen Ireland Few women have made an impact on politics in Northern Ireland. The political culture and traditions of Northern Ireland politics are very much male-oriented and whilst women have worked hard for change behind the scenes for many years, few have taken the step into standing as candidates in elections, less still successfully winning elections. Following the Belfast Agreement, things may, slowly, be beginning to change. Mo Mowlam writes enthusiastically of the part that women played in the talks leading up to the Agreement: â€Å"one of the most remarkable aspects of the talks process was seeing women, not only in the Women’s Coalition, but also in other parties, sitting alongside their male colleagues and arguing their points. They brought a new quality of debate to the proceeding† (Galligan, Ward Wilford 1999).Nonetheless, despite the election of three women MPs in the first general election (2001) after the Belfast Agreement, women remain massively under-represented in politics in Northern Ireland. This dissertation examines the reasons for this. Chapter two looks at the traditional role of women in politics, both in Northern Ireland and in other parts of the world. Election in the UK and policies towards women of other British parties are examined. The chapter also looks at women’s movements abroad, in the likes of South Africa and Nicaragua and analyses how they have affected the political landscape in their own countries. Chapter three takes a general overview of women in Northern Ireland, commenting on how they have reacted to the traditional view and values of the Church and the State in the province. The formation of the earlier Women’s movements is detailed here – although these groups have remained on the borders on mainstream politics, the fact that women have for decades joined together on particular issues is important in the context of women’s involvement in politics. The difficulties face by women in what is a conservative, traditional and often sexist culture is also discussed. Chapter four looks at the attitudes towards women in politics held by voters in Northern Ireland and analyses whether the small number of women involved is determined by supply or demand factors. Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this chapter argues that there is no lack of demand for women to be involved in politics amongst the electorate, rather that a number of factors around the inclination of women to enter into politics and the traditional views that still hold sway in Northern Ireland, are influential. This chapter also makes use of research undertaken in interviewing a number of women councillors in Northern Ireland about their perceptions on why many women avoid political life. Various reason for women to remain outside of representative politics are given – again he traditional culture of Northern Ireland and perceptions about a woman’s role are seen as important, Chapter five examines in details the attitudes and policies of the main political parties in Northern Ireland towards women’s issues and the role of women within the political parties themselves. Parties in Northern Ireland have traditionally focused primarily on constitutional and security issues to the detriment of women’s issues. Party leadership in parties across the political spectrum have been male dominated. This chapter looks at each of the main parties, examining firstly how party structures and leaderships accommodate female members and secondly how party policy makers address (or fail to address)women’s issues. Chapter six provides a conclusion to the dissertation. The situation in Northern Ireland where women have traditionally had difficulties establishing themselves within the formal political process has been mirrored, if perhaps not to such an extent, in other Western democracies. Evidence from UK elections indicates a historical prejudice against women candidates, whilst elsewhere in Europe and across the world, there are examples of women having to draw together on their identity as women to challenge their exclusion from politics. Analysis of general elections in Britain indicates that many fewer women than men are selected as prospective parliamentary candidates and those that are usually chosen for less hopeful seats (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). However, the number of has candidates has grown reasonably steadily since 1996, with parties gradually accepting the need to take steps to increase the number of women selected. The Conservative in particular have found this difficult, largely due to the reluctance of the party leadership to interfere with the autonomy and conservative nature of many of its local associations. The Labour Party has had more success. Its party conference took the decision in1993 to try to increase its number of women MPs by introducing policies of positive discrimination. The introduction of all-women shortlist and quotas proved controversial, with the process being deemed illegal by an industrial tribunal in 1996, yet the drive by Labour to increase women’s representation paid dividends – with the party’s victory in the1997 election, the number of women in the house of Commons doubled to120 (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). Elections for regional assemblies in Scotland and Wales have seen an increase in the number of women winning seats. The systems of proportional representation used in these elections has allowed Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the nationalist policies to ensure that candidates on lists were alternately male and female. As a result over38 per cent of representatives at Holyrood and 40 per cent at Cardiff Bay have been women (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p98). Elsewhere, women have made direct interventions within their political systems to ensure that they are represented within the political process. In Spain, the Women’s Democratic Movement (WDM) began as an opposition group to the Franco regime and went onto lobby for women’s interests during the country’s democratic transition. It successfully pressured the government into ratifying the Convention for Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In Iceland the Icelandic Women’s Alliance (IWA) emerged in the 1980s as a group powerful to win 11.1% of a national poll (Fearon 1999 appendix 1). In Sweden, the issue of women’s participation in politics directly compelled women to join together on a cross-party basis in the prelude to the 1994 elections. As a result, Sweden then elected what Faluditerms â€Å"the most female government in the world – a parliament that was41% female with a cabinet that was 50% female. (Fearon 199 9, appendix1). More relevant to the issues around women’s political involvement in Northern Ireland are the examples of South Africa and Nicaragua, where women have acted together to challenge male-dominated political times when their countries have been undergoing periods of transition. In Nicaragua, women achieved political gains during the revolutionary period but, perceiving that these gains were not being fully transferred to the new society after a transitional period, women joined together to form the Nicaraguan National Coalition of Women(NNCW) in January 1996. Under this cross-party coalition women joined together to educate and themselves and prepared themselves to go backend fight elections within their existing parties in October of that year. The aim was to promote the equitable participation of women in the country’s politics, something that was made difficult, as women within the coalition had historically been political or even military enemies. There were certainly so me similarities with Northern Ireland and the group had to strive hard to focus on unity and reaching a consensus. The NNCW was able to agree a minimum agenda emphasising women’s participation in civil and political society. In South Africa, women had become influenced by the experiences of women’s organisations around the world and the ANC Women’s League(ANCWL) sparked a debate across the country about ‘the necessity of organising as women’ (Fearon 2001 appendix1). In September 1991 thirty women’s organisations came together in the Women’s National Coalition(WNC) to discuss the drawing up of a women’s charter on equality. The charter was eventually produced after a huge participatory exercise that included an estimated 2 million women and was made up of twelve articles, one of which called for â€Å"mechanisms to enable women’s participation in civic and political life† (Fearon 2001 appendix 1) The charter was vitally important to the development of women in politics in South Africa as it challenged traditional perceptions and values about the woman’s place in political and civic life. Another success of the WNC was to lobby hard for a ruling passed in 1993 that required all negotiation delegations to reserve space for women. Prior to the formation of the NIWC, the impact that individuals or groups of women had made on Northern Ireland politics had been relatively minimal. There are however a few examples of women who, although not directly involved as representatives in the political process, made their presence known. In the 1970s, two Belfast women, Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan won the Nobel Peace Prize for leading a peace movement that aimed to end the violence by way of ‘people power’. Inspired to action following the death of three children in a car chase involving IRA men, the Peace People as the movement was known called on the people of Northern Ireland to reject terrorism and quickly snowballed into a movement that could attract tens of thousands of people onto the streets in outdoor rallies. The movement eventually failed due to internal divisions within the movement, personality clashes and disputes on how to spend the Nobel Prize money. Whilst still surviving today, the Pe ace People is now a small-scale movement that failed to deliver on the hopes that it once raised. Helen McKendry was a brave Belfast woman who campaigned to raise the issue of the so-called ‘disappeared’ victims of the IRA, who had included her own mother Jean McConville, taken from the family home in1972 and never heard of again (Independent, March 2, 2005). Following the IRA ceasefire in 1994, McKendry launched a campaign to have her mother’s body returned and eventually pressured the IRA into giving details about the location of her mother’s body and those of other victims. May Blood was a woman that played a prominent role in the loyalist community for many years, prior to involvement in the NIWC. She was a determined community activist in the Shankhill Road district, concentrating on issues such as housing, welfare, jobs, training, employment and labour relations. Speaking after she had been made across-bench peer in 2000, Baroness Blood stated: â€Å"My life is about serving this community, particularly young people. For years they have just been fodder for the paramilitaries. We want the next generation to be real people with real futures.† (Independent, March 2, 2005). It is worth noting that like May Blood, the trend in Northern Ireland has generally been for women activists to concentrate on community development rather than electoral politics. The situation of women in Northern Ireland is not entirely unique. Whilst the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland affect politics at all levels, the fact remains that women in Northern Irel and share common experiences with women elsewhere in terms of the difficulties that they have making an impact in the political arena. Rightly or wrongly, representative politics around the world remains largely dominated by males, and in this respect women in Northern Ireland face the same challenges as women elsewhere. Analysis of the women’s movement in Northern Ireland or attempters tointegrate women more fully into the political process must understandsome of the cultural traditions and influences that affect women’slives. As Monica McWilliams states: â€Å"the role which both the Church andState play shapes not only the more traditional thinking behind some ofthe major institutions, such as the education system or the judiciary,but it also responsible for the extremely conservative ideology forwhich the Province has become infamous† (Hughes 1991, p91). Theattitude of the Church has certainly been that the primary role ofwomen is that of mothers and housewives and this has been somethingthat has held women back from entering into politics. Issues aroundsexuality, the dissolution of marriage or rights in the home or at workhave seen feminists face opposition from clergy, politicians and as aresult, their communities. Again McWilliams summarises the situationstating, â€Å"in the face of such traditional Catholicism and Protestantfundamentalism, it has proved extremely difficult for women to organisearound issues which are of personal and political influence to them(Hughes 1991,p81). Both the Protestant and Catholic Church have maintained a traditionalline on the domestic role of women. They have exhorted mothers to takeresponsibility for their children by looking after them at home andhave largely opposed political initiatives such as the provision of daycare for children as it poses a challenge to the traditional ideologywhich supports the segregated division of labour in the home. The viewof the Church from half a century ago has remained prevalent in modernday Northern Ireland. Bishop McGean had stated in 1945 that â€Å"the properplace for the baby is in the home and the proper guardian is themother. Nature decided that and God approved of that decision ofnature† (Hughes 1991, p89). Women’s groups in Northern Ireland have made gradual progress ininstigating political and social change. They have begun to createstructures that enable individual women to have some measure of controlover their lives. One example is found in the work of an umbrellaorganisation known as ‘The Women’s Information Day’, along withprojects such as Women’s Aid, the Women’s Education Project and theNorthern Ireland Women’s Rights Movement. All of these groups, formedprior to the establishment of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition,were organised in a non-sectarian way, holding meetings in bothloyalist and nationalist areas and raising controversial issues thatwere sensitive to one another’s beliefs. In 1985, whilst campaigning onchanges to the benefit system, a group of Catholic and Protestant womentravelled to London to lobby their MPs to oppose a propose SocialSecurity Bill and were appalled to find that their own political representatives were more interested in opposing the Anglo-Irishagreement (which had been launched on the same day) and refused to meetthem on the grounds that they were too busy. McWilliams writes thatâ€Å"they returned home to Belfast on the same night more convinced thanever that their political representatives were much less interested inmatters of social and economic concerns† (Hughes 1991, p92). One of the most glaring features of life for women in Northern Irelandhas been the hardship of poverty with all its social, financial andpsychological repercussions. Women in Northern Ireland have come at thetop of research tables listing infant mortality rates, unemployment ordependency on social security (Hughes 1991, p92). It is women who haveexperienced poverty as prisoner’s wives, as widows, as single parents,divorced, separated or unmarried, as managers of unemployed families,as single and elderly women living alone, or as low paid wage earners.As a result, women’s groups such as the Northern Ireland Women’s RightsMovement began to offer advice and information to women, producingleaflet to help women in the face of overpowering bureaucracy.McWilliams writes of the pressures upon women in Northern Irelandstating â€Å"existing from day to day in the North can often become anintolerable strain for women. Not only must they provide a reasonablestandard of liv ing for their kids, but they have the additional anxietyof worrying about husbands and children when they are out of the home.The years of ‘the troubles’ have added to their pressures and manyrespond y using tranquillisers or smoking excessively† (Hughes 1991,p93). Women in Northern Ireland have played a leading role in anti-povertycampaigns, a significant political role which tends to be overlooked bymedia, church leaders and politicians. Such groups have remainednon-hierarchical and have refused to let single individuals becomesolely identified with their campaigns. The non-hierarchical structurehas provided the supportive type of environment that women require andeach group has become knowledgeable about the particular issue underscrutiny. Often the women have maintained links after individualcampaigns have been dissolved. Northern Ireland feminists have played apart in various campaigns and community projects over the last fewdecades. Many cut their political teeth in the civil rights movementsof the 1960s and 1970s and had their first dealings with other feministmovements. Female students at Queens University held a public meetingin1975 which formed an action group ‘with the aim of bringing the roleof women in Northern Ireland into l ine with that of their sisters inBritain’ (Hughes 1991, p93) and went on to form the Northern IrelandWomen’s Rights Movement which successfully campaigned to bring the SexDiscrimination Act to Northern Ireland. There are of course issues that divide women’s groups in NorthernIreland. Many are related to the national question, which as in allareas of politics in the province, remain difficult to overcome.Whether groups are based on single issues such as Women’s Aid or theRape and Incest Line, or more generic groups such as the Derry, Belfastor Falls Road Women’s Centres, the political affiliations of membersmay be surreptitiously agued in order to clarify the line that theymight take on the national question. The sheer weight of issues aroundthe constitution and security in Northern Ireland make it near onimpossible for the issue to be ignored. Disputes have occurred between,for example, the Relative’s Action Committee and Women AgainstImperialism (which largely supports Sinn Fein) and other women’s groupssuch as the Belfast Women’s Collective and the Northern Ireland Women’sRights Movement. The Belfast Women’s Collective argued that it wasvital to work in as wide a range as possible, including areas which maynot initially meet with a big response because they challengetraditional political and religious beliefs (Hughes 1991, p95). TheRelative’s Action Committee, on the other hand, organising around thewithdrawal of political statues for the H Block prisoners took the viewthat the campaign about prisons should be central. Regardless of divisions within women’s movements in Northern Ireland,the fact remains that the there is a level of oppression caused by theunique nature of politics in the province. Many women arepsychologically scarred by the deaths of or injury to loved ones. Manyothers are emotionally burnt out by the years of armed troops presenton the streets. Women on both sides of the sectarian divide have seenthe destruction of family life when family members are arrested underthe Prevention of Terrorism Act and possibly held for long periodswithout trial. Women visiting husbands and son in prison have beensubjected to degrading and humiliating strip searches. They live infear for the lives of their children and have had the constant worrythat they will be caught in crossfire, caught up in a riot or killed byan explosion. On top of all of these factors, women have also had totackle continuing economic exploitation and sexual oppression. Women in Northern Ireland have had to endure an ingrained culture ofconservative sexism that emanates both from the UK and the Republic ofIreland. They have had to fight for equality of opportunity in theworkplace – interestingly, the Equal Opportunities Commission, which isknown to play a more active role in women’s lives than its GBcounterpart, was almost abolished in Northern Ireland (Hughes 1991,p96). An influential factor in the under representation of women in NorthernIreland politics has been the traditional assumption of gender rolesand values held by many within the province. These powerful politicaland cultural restraints support the theory that the lack of women inpolitics is due to supply rather than demand factors – the electoratehas little problem with female candidates, it is getting women intoposition as candidates for public office that is largely the problem. There is general support amongst the Northern Ireland public for womento be involved in politics and indeed this support has grown steadilythroughout the 1990s and the development of the Belfast Agreement. Oneof the key questions included in the 2002 Northern Ireland Life andTimes Survey was did respondents think that the greater number of womenin politics since the formation of the Northern Ireland Assembly makethings better or worse in Northern Ireland politics? Whilst 44 per centof respondents remained neutral on the question, 41 per cent thought ithad made things better, with only 14 per cent thinking it had madethings worse (NI Life and Times Survey 2002). Attitudes towards therole of women in politics shifted markedly from the survey completed adecade earlier. In 1991, only one fifth of men felt that at least onehalf of senior government posts should be held by women. By 2002 thisfigure had doubled to 40 per cent, with support from women rising from38 per cent to 50 per cent (L ife and Times Survey 2002). Research carried out in 1993 sought to use the experience of womencouncillors within Northern Ireland to attempt to gauge exactly why sofew women were involved in politics at the time. In 1989, only 60 ofthe 566 district councillors were women, equating to a mere 10.6 percent (Wilford et al 1993, p341). Following changes after direct rulewas introduced in 1972, many functions of local government had beenreplaced by intermediate bodies appointed by the Secretary of State forNorthern Ireland. This situation reduced the tiers of local governmentwith Wilford et al commenting â€Å"Thus, aspiring politicians enjoy anextremely limited opportunity to run for elected office† (Wilford et al1993, p343). In addition, council meetings throughout the 1980s wouldoften be used by political parties to argue out their constitutionaldifferences rather than focussing on the relevant issues of localpolitics – the symbolic value of politics in Northern Ireland helps toexplain the paucity of women. Interviews with women councillorsrevealed six main reasons that they believed explained the small numberof women in Northern Ireland politics – psychological, familial,organisational, functional, patriarchal and systematic. All have somerelevance. Psychological reasons included a simple lack of self-esteem felt bywomen. The vast majority of women councillors had been prompted orasked to stand for election by other members rather than have theconfidence to stand on their own initiative. It seems exceptional forwomen to deem themselves eligible for candidature, yet this is setagainst a backdrop where with relatively few people willing to standfor election in local politics and being successful would be seeminglyunproblematic. One SDLP councillor commented on the issue: â€Å"it neveroccurred to me to stand†¦we (women) had the traditional view that wewere the back up for men: making the tea and the like† (Wilford et al1993 p344). Familial reasons were most cited reason for non-participation of womenin politics and reaffirm the ideas of traditional cultural valuescontributing to the role of women in Northern Ireland. There is a cleardifferential in the assumed responsibility of men and women for childrearing in Northern Ireland and this impacts strongly on theopportunity for women to enter into public life. At the very least, astrong and supportive partner is needed by women looking to go intopolitics, yet in addition to this it would appear that many women inNorthern Ireland do not simply put family responsibilities firstbecause that is their assumed role – many believe that they actuallyshould put their family first and postpone any political aspirationsuntil their children have reached post-school age. It should also benoted that childcare facilities in Northern Ireland were poor duringthe 1980s and 1990s, a further complication for women that wanted toenter into politics. Organisational reasons for women councillors are similar reasonscommonly cited by women MPs in the UK Parliament – the unsocial hoursthat politician are required to work. Councillors in Northern Irelandfound that childcare made it difficult for them to attend councilbusiness scheduled during the day. At the time of the survey, Sinn Feinwas the only political party in Northern Ireland that paid thechildcare expenses of its councillors (wilford et al 1993, p344). Patriarchal reasons for the limited involvement of women in localpolitics in Northern Ireland are based around the attitude of malecouncillors towards their female counterparts. One councillorinterviewed stated: You’re a thorn as a female councillor. Men don’twant you there; they’d prefer it to be all male. They want to be thedominant ones in the council; it’s true everywhere† (Wilford et alp344). Mnay of the women councillors interviewed felt that they werenot taken seriously because of their sex and this was a hugedisincentive to continuing to take an active role in politics. Manyreferred to the cultural belief ingrained in Northern Ireland about awoman’s place and that the arena of politics was very much a mansworld. There is evidence that women were ‘ghettoised’ into certaincommittees that were less important and more focussed on what weredeemed to be women’s issues – home safety committees serve as anexample. Ag ain, the partisanship of politics in Northern Ireland has tobe seen as a factor here – some of the issues likely to be raised bywomen in particular, like pre-school places, education and the NHS,have a tendency to take a back seat to constitutional and securityissues. Finally, under the label of patriarchal concerns were genuineconcerns of sexual harassment within the arena of council politics.Some female councillors reported patronising language as well as outand out harassment. Systematic and functional reasons for non-participation are also given.The lack of power held by local government in Northern Ireland prior tothe Belfast Agreement has been a disincentive – women are deterred fromsacrificing family life simply due to the fact that there is relativelylittle to do in local politics and little opportunity to instigateeffective change. For the more ambitious women, local government is notseen as a step on the way to better things and many women see the listsof men waiting to become MPs and simply assume that they have littlechance of ever doing so. A final systematic reason for women stayingout of politics is the actual physical risk involved. It is not unheardof for Northern Ireland councillors to be targeted or even murdered byparamilitaries. Much of the research carried out with female councillors supports thetheory that it is indeed supply rather than demand that limits thenumber of women involved in politics in Northern Ireland. With onlythree women MPs being elected between 1972 and 1990 (Wilford et al1993, p345) there is clearly a problem in attracting candidates. In looking at the demand for women in politics, whilst there isevidence that the public has a growing desire to see women involved inpolitics, it is also important to examine the reasons that people inNorthern Ireland think that there are relatively few women involved.The 2002 Life and Times Survey asked for explanations as to why thereare so few women in politics: What is noticeable from this research is that the main factors appearto be based on a conscious choice made by women rather thandiscrimination against them. Women not putting themselves forward ascandidates and putting their families before their political aspirationappear to be more decisive factors than a view that women do not havethe interest in or capability to succeed in politics. Certainly thisattitude has hardened during he 1990s. Whilst in the 1991 survey womensaw the reason for a lack of women as a mixture of barriers andinclination, by 2002 the most important reasons are clearly women’s owninclinations and choices. Another important perception is that aroundwhether or not people assume that women candidates lose votes – in boththe 1991 and 2002 surveys, only around one third of respondents thoughtthat this was the case. One of the obvious solutions to the fact that there are proportionatelyfew women involved inpolitics in Northern Ireland would be theintroduction of positive discrimination policies by the major parties.Howver, whilst there appears to be a view that women involve themselvesin the political process and be encouraged to do so, there is littleevidence that parties should actually be required to blance theircandidate lists with similar numbers of men and women. When questionedas to whether political parties should be required to put forward aproportion of women candidates, only 19 per cent of respondents agreed– 17 per cent of men and 21 per cent of women (Life and Times Survey2002). The more common view was that political parties should beencouraged to put forward a proportion of women candidates – 55 percent agreed with this (52 per cent of men and 57 per cent of women).The survey also asked whether the parties should put more resourcestowards the campaign of women candid ates than men candidates: this metwith a slightly more positive response with 33 per cent of men and 45per cent of women agreeing that more resources should be assigned towomen candidates. A further indicator that there is sufficient demandfor women politicians came from the questions asking respondents tochoose four attributes they would most like to see in Northern Irelandpoliticians and the attributes that they would then use to describeboth male and female politicians. Clearly, the Northern Ireland see women candidates as most likely tohave the attributes that they see as desirable. Whilst male politiciansare seen largely as aggressive, ruthless and crafty, female politiciansare seen as more likely to be honest, approachable and willing tocompromise. Attitudes in Northern Ireland towards women politician are generallyfavourable. These attitudes have noticeably become more positive since1991 and voters are now looking to parties to present them with morewomen candidates both in the Northern Ireland Assembly and atWestminster. Whilst barriers to women entering politics remain, theyappear to have been diluted over the last 10-15 years and whilst thereis still some discrimination against women in politics this haslessened. Perhaps most importantly of all in terms of attitudes towardswomen in politics, there appears to be a consensus that the qualitiesthat women bring to political life are closer to the qualitiesidentified in an ‘ideal’ candidate or representative than are of thoseof men in politics. Other research on specific questions about the role of women inpolitics gives a good insight into the attitudes of the NorthernIreland electorate. Surveys On line asked respondents what proportionof senior government posts should be held by women. Male Female % % A majority 2 3 About half 18 35 At least some 47 38 Nodefinite proportion 31 21 None 2 2 This would suggest that theelectorate is generally happy to see women holding some of the mostimportant posts in government. Again, this would suggest that there isno problem in terms of demand for women to be involved in politics inNorthern Ireland. Opinions of the general involvement of women onpolitics give a similar picture. Asked about women being elected to anational assembly, respondents felt that there should be: Again the broad consensus appears to be in favour of women beinginvolved in politics. Research indicates a slight imbalance in thatwomen appear to be more strongly in favour of a greater political role,but men also are broadly in favour of women’s involvement The attitudes towards

Hamlets Transformation from Good to Evil in the Play Hamlet by William

Hamlet's Transformation from Good to Evil in the Play Hamlet by William Shakespeare Hamlet’s Transformation from Good to Evil In the play Hamlet by Shakespeare, Hamlet endures exorbitant amount of pain and anger because of his father’s death, his mothers hasty remarriage, and the loss of his only love, Ophelia. The losses that Hamlet has to deal with, the anger and lack of forgiveness that he allows to build within himself, allows Hamlet’s true thoughts and character to be revealed through his soliloquies, which are reviewed and discussed throughout this essay. In his first soliloquy, Hamlet reveals his wishes that he could just melt away and be no more, with death comes relief from this world, but he beliefs that suicide is immoral and that the whole business of the world is useless and unprofitable. Hamlet reflects on the greatness of his father and how the leadership went from a noble and glorious King to a atrocious man that does not desire in any way to serve the country or its people, but thrives the power and extravagance that is provided by being King. Hamlet also shows his anger and disbelief with women in general â€Å" Frailty, thy name is women† and towards his mother with her hasty marriage to Clauduis. Hamlet now becomes informed that his uncle, Clauduis, has killed the King, Hamlet’s beloved father, from a ghost, his father’s ghost. The ghost requests that Hamlet pay revenge to the evil murderer, Clauduis. Hamlet is to kill Clauduis to avenge his father’s dea...

Women in the Workforce Essay example -- Gender Studies

As the times change, so do the standards. Women previously have been looked at as homemakers, housewives, subordinates. In this new century, this has changed dramatically. Not only have women sought extensive amounts of education, they have sought means to expand and solidify their skills. Although women continue to face discrimination, the qualifications of the playing field have leveled out. According to the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics (2012), in 2011, women accounted for 47 percent of the workforce (ages 16 and over). Their occupations varied, as well as their marital status and their status as a mother. Also, according to the U.S. Department of Commerce Economics and Statistics Administration (2011), 14 percent of households are headed by single women, whereas only 6 percent of households are headed by single men. There are more households headed by women, which means more women are the sole earners of income in their household. The workplace plays a critical role in the lives of women. In addition, more women than men aged 24-35 earned college degrees based on 2007-2008 data (U.S. Department of Commerce Economics and Statistics Administration, 2011). This is a more educated workforce with the possibility to make a significant impact in the areas of advancement (e.g. innovation), knowledge transfer (e.g. mentoring), and leadership (e.g. management). Consequently, the policies of companies that employ women can have a positive or negative effect on their households, career advancement and earning potential, as well as the lives of those that depend on them. Mary Van der Boon (2003) in her article titled, â€Å"Women in international management: An international perspective on women’s ways of leadership†, descri... ...sidered as a matter of respect. Secondarily, when having to travel to areas women have never traveled before; their safety is of highest concern. So surely, gender should be aggressively considered in terms of safety and cultural respect. Works Cited Bloch, S. (2011). Expat women: Job & careers abroad. Retrieved from http://www.expatwomen. com/expat-women-jobs-careers-abroad/8-steps-to-dissolving-the-glass-ceiling-susan- bloch.php Drury, M. (2011). Women technology leaders: Gender issues in higher education information technology. NASPA Journal about Women in Higher Education, 4(1), 96-123. Ihlwain, M. (April, 2008). Cracks in a particular glass ceiling. Business Week, 58. Van der Boon, M. (2003). Women in international management: An international perspective on women’s ways of leadership. Gender in Management, 18(3/4), 132-146.

Employer rights and responsibilities workbook Essay

1.1 Equal opportunity: Equal and fair treatment, ensuring that people have equal access to opportunities and that the diversity of the work forces in value. * Equal Pay Act 1970 and its implementation Act 1975: to insure that men and woman would receive the same pay and conditions. * Sex Discrimination Act 1995 and Regulation 2003: to insure that men and woman are treated equally and fairly at workplace. * Disability Discrimination Act 1975: to deal with discrimination against an employee or potential employee because of their disability. 1.2 Employment protection: Outlines the duties, rights and responsibilities of employers and employees. * Employment Act 2002: to give additional rights to the employment. * Employment Rights Act 1996: Where employees are entitled to maternity and paternity leave and termination of employees. * Employment Relations Act 2004: to deal with employee relations and the operation of the statutory recognition for trade unions. 1.3 Health and Safety: Laws t hat keeps everyone safe and reduce hazard and manage skills, at work. * Health and Safety at work Act 1974: to raise the standard of health and safety for all individuals at work and to ensure the environment is safe and non hazardous to the health of employees. The employer and employee have common responsibility for health and safety. Read more:Â  Statutory Responsibilities and Rights of Employees and Employers Essay Task 2. * Job contract. * HR Department. * Policy and Procedures. * Team leader, NW manager, etc. * Job description (terms and conditions). * Citizen Advisory Bureau. * Unison. * Solicitor. * Employment Tribunal. * Advice agencies. Task 3. * Grievance procedure: Any grievance to the terms and conditions of employment should be discussed with manager. If the matter is not solved then it should be pursued with the grievance policy. * Disciplinary matters: The Trust has a Disciplinary procedure policy in the HR Department and also at the work place. Any breach of the Disciplinary rules will lead to disciplinary action, including dismissal. If the employee is dissatisfied with the formal disciplinary action then the employee has the right to appeal within 21 days of written confirmation of the disciplinary action taken. The aim of the Disciplinary Procedure for all staff of the trust is to ensure uniformity of treatment between one individual and another and between one group of staff and another. To ensure justice for individual employees, to provide protection to the efficiency and smooth running of the trust, work place, etc. This procedure applies to all the staff employed by the trust. * Rehabilitation of offenders Act: The employee is required to disclose to the trust of any caution, conviction, bind-over’s, motoring convictions or police proceedin gs. The employee is also required to apply for CRB. * Confidentiality: An employee has a duty of confidence to patients and a duty to maintain professional ethical standards of confidentiality. Under the Data Protection Act 1998 anyone working with personal information in any form must ensure it remains confidential and that only people who need the information have access to it and that only minimum information necessary is processed. Task 4. Employee number- It is a number assigned to an employee by the employer. Employee name – Name of the person who is an employee. Tax code – This is number followed by a letter. It tells the amount of tax to the employer to be deducted from employee. This is based on information given by HMRC. National Insurance Number – It is a personal and unique number of an employee, who keeps it throughout his/her life during/ when applying for employment. Net pay year to date – This section shows how much have been paid in the financial year. It shows how much National Insurance and tax have been made. Pay before deductions (gross pay) – The amount of employees wages before deduction of tax, pension and national insurance. The deductions made for income tax – This is a tax on each individuals income paid to the national government to spend on other services such as NHS, Defense, social security and public services. The deductions for a pension – A deduction from the employee wages for his/her retirement and to increase the income for pensioner. The amount you actually receive (after deductions) – It is the totally amount (net) of money the employee will take home after all the deductions have been made. Task 5. Grievance policy: Grievance is a dispute between employer and employee. It is basically any disagreement between them. Regarding to the grievance policy at work: * Employers should have their grievance procedure in writing and make sure that all staff are aware of any policy or procedure. * At early stage, the grievance has to be given a chance to be dealt informally with the immediate line manager. Pursuing the formal routine should be a last resort rather than the first option. * Employees should let the employer know the nature of the grievance and issue on time. * Employers are responsible to arrange any formal meeting without unreasonable delay to investigate and to establish the facts of the case. * Employers should allow the employee to be accompanied at any formal meeting and should permit the employee the right to appeal against any formal decision made. Task 6. Personal information kept by my employer about myself is: Name, Date of birth, bank details, NIC umber, address, telephone number, next of kin, tax code, education and qualification, training and courses attended, CRB check, personal health or any health conditions. Employers need to keep some personal information about their employees, as required by law and some for employer’s purpose, as well as in line with Data Protection Act 2003. Under the Data Act 1998, employees are entitled to have access to their own personal information, in order to verify or correct any inaccuracy. Stored – ESR, Electronic records. Access – Network Manager, Manager, HR Department. Task 7. My Role, Responsibilities and job description: I carry out my role and duties with full responsibility that are agreed in my job description in line with the Policy & Procedure of the organization, as well as Health and safety. My role, responsibilities and job description include: * Being a Key worker, I need to support Service users to convene, set dates and invite identified individuals to their PCP at least once every 4months. * Support service users to access activities of their choice within and around the local community. * Support service users who wish to go on holiday, to plan and access holidays of their choice. * Ensure all the assessments/paperwork for service users are completed. * Ensure any items purchased by service users or on their behalf are recorded on inventories. * Ensure that service user’s health records are up dated and reflect their current health and outcome of appointment attended. * Attend training courses/meetings to update/maintain knowledge and skills to carry out Support Worker/ key worker role effectively. * Where required work with professionals, in order to de velop and set up appropriate guidelines for service users. * Support service users to attend health appointments and if possible a Key worker should attend the appoint ment to make sure there is continuity. * Ensure to bring to attention of the Team leader/Network manager of issues related to Service users which affect their health or prevent them from achieving goal/action. General Responsibilities: * To support all service users at home with their daily routine eg personal care, dressing, meals, etc. * To support service users to be as independent as possible by promoting independence in all aspects of their lives. * To offer choice in all aspects of daily living. * To provide a clean and pleasant home environment, in both private area and communal areas. * To provide support to service users to attend their activities and appointments e.g. shopping, family visits, disco, etc. * To administer medication and maintain accurate record of Marr Sheet, financial transactions and record any accidents or incidents which may occur. My role affects the running of the setting by carrying out my duties & responsibilities as team member and by working in the best interests of the service users, as I am providing emotional, moral and practical support according to their needs. Task 8. Other health professionals are: * GP/Doctor. * Nurse/ District nurse. * Physiotherapist. * Dentist. * Reflexologist. * Psychologist. * Psychiatrist * Speech and Language therapist. * Care manager. * Social services. * Chiropodist/ podiatrist. * Epilepsy Dr/Nurse. * Opticians. My role is to assist these Health Professionals to carry out their duty/job according to their profession in order to improve the health of service users. These health professionals may provide: * Offer advice, information, diagnosis or treatment related to the service user. * May prescribe medicine/ drugs or may refer to another professional for further tests/opinions. * Advice support worker/key worker to carry out the treatment at home or use the equipment out home eg Flowtron boots. * Advice support worker to carry out the guidelines and report of any changes which may be harmful for service user or treatment not improving the health of the service user. It is my responsibility to work alongside the health professionals to ensure the well being of the service users and to provide them the services they need to be in good health. Task 9. * Team leader. * Network manager. * Operational manager. * Social worker. * Physiotherapist. * Podiatrist. * Nursing e.g. children, adults, mental health. * Reflexologist. * Occupational therapist. * Health care jobs: Ambulance Care assistant. * Speech and language therapist. Task 10. My own professional development plans: Short term: I would like to complete NVQ3. Medium term: To update my mandatory and other trainings according to my employer. Look for any other new things going on in my work sector. Long term: look and find a Diploma/degree which is interesting to me. Then according my knowledge and skills, I would like to apply for that Diploma/degree course in a college or university, where available. Task 11. Issue: Cost cutting. Key points in favor: To save money for the future. Key points against: Lack of resources. Providing poor health care. Low morale among staff. Issue: Privatization of NHS. Key points in favor: To build a better health care sector. To provide better quality of care. Key points against: Good quality of care will be provided to a person who can afford it but not everyone. Employers may not like the strict terms and conditions of the job. Old and vulnerable people may not receive good quality of care as they may not afford it as they are on benefits/pension, etc.